The problem with abortion in a country like Ireland is that you also have to worry about how everyone else deals with it Ellen

Trying to negotiate my way through the hysteria in Ireland was destructive, my abortion becoming a secret was damaging, not the act itself Amy

Like ostriches with their heads in the sand, we ve tried everything to deny the reality of abortion. We ve allowed piecemeal legislation to be passed, we ve endured no less than three abortion referenda, turning it into a vexed question, by virtue not of its complexity, but of our own mincing discomfort at the very mention of the subject. Our attempts at debate generally deteriorate into tests of mudslinging prowess, and even our sideways attempts to address the bigger issue by way of sex education programmes have been met with vociferous opposition.

In this part of the world, at least, it seems that abortion is still the cuss word it always was. Ellen s and Amy s comments above bear testimony to that. As do the first hand accounts of 18 women who have chosen to speak candidly of their experiences of abortion in a remarkable book just published by the Irish Family Planning Association, The Irish Journey: Women s Stories Of Abortion.
Tony O Brien, Chief Executive of the IFPA, anxious to dispel the shame that still shrouds public discussion of abortion in Ireland, sees the publication of this book as a watershed event.
This is a book chronicling 18 women, and 18 different stories , he explains. All of them had difficult decisions to make, but none of them mentions as a factor that they had to think about what the Irish constitution says about abortion. It s meaningless. This book puts forward the evidence of the daily reality of Irish abortion. Abortion isn t just statistics. It s not just stereotypes. It s real people, living real lives, in communities that we all live in.
O Brien, himself a product of the diaspora, he was born of Irish parents in London has always had a profound and ongoing interest in Irish life. Fate smiled on him when the Irish Family Planning Association (IFPA) had to readvertise for a chief executive, having previously advertised as Irish Planning Association . He saw the corrected ad, threw his cap in the ring and landed the job. A background in student politics during the early days of HIV awareness in the early 80 s armed him with at least some of the arsenal needed to fight the good fight.
With the publication on the 15th November last of the Oireachtas Committee s Abortion Report, whose recommendations have neatly sidestepped the central question (by agreeing to disagree on whether abortion should be allowed on these shores at all or under certain circumstances), and instead focused mainly on the promotion of contraceptive and reproductive education plans, O Brien believes that the need to tell it like it is is even more important than ever before.
The IFPA over the years has had a huge impact on social policy and legislative framework in Ireland on a number of issues, which, at the outset, you would have questioned whether any progress could be made, he reflects. It opened the first family planning clinic in Ireland (in 1969), ten years before artificial contraception was legal. It sold condoms from the Virgin Megastore for six years before it was legal. When the founders set up the IFPA, they couldn t really envisage the situation we have now. Across all areas, except the abortion issue, there has been huge change, unbelievable change. And much of that has come about very rapidly. I mean, the contrast between 1990 when the IFPA was fined #500 for selling condoms in the Virgin Megastore, to less than three years later when the Government was spending half a million pounds a year promoting condoms is the best illustration I can give of how rapidly things can change.
Except, it seems, where facing up to the reality of abortion is concerned. Current and past governments have staunchly resisted addressing the fact that up to 6,500 women travel abroad each year to pursue a service that s deemed illegal in their own country. O Brien sees some rays of light in the recently published Abortion Report, though he acknowledges that it falls far short of what is needed to finally meet Irish women s needs in dealing with crisis pregnancy.
The abortion issue is the most intractable , he nods, but nonetheless I think we are having an impact on the way people think about the issue of abortion. We have put a lot of effort into ensuring that the pretence that there s no such thing as Irish abortion is untenable, and reading this (abortion) report, that comes out from every page.
The Oireachtas Committee have chosen to focus on what they can agree on, that is: prevention of crisis pregnancy and after care. What happens in between is still as hot a potato as it was nine years ago when the X case reached the courts, and three years ago when the C case further tested the mettle of our legislation. The X Case resulted in the Supreme Court ruling that permitted a 14-year-old rape victim to travel to England for an abortion on the grounds that there was a real and substantial risk to the life (of the mother) . The C Case, five years later, (in which a 13 year old rape victim who was in the care of the Eastern Health Board, sought to have an abortion in the UK), ruled that she could lawfully travel outside the country for the purposes of abortion, and that her right to travel was not curtailed by the fact that she was in the care of the State. Both these judgements horrified those women who saw abortion as a personal decision, since they limited the lawfulness of abortion only to those who were at risk of suicide.
It is now absolutely clear that the concept of an absolute ban on abortion is dead in the water , is O Brien s interpretation of the basis of the Abortion Report. That s gone, that s history, and now that we ve achieved that, I think that it may be possible through sustained educational programmes, to enlighten people on the realities of Irish abortion.
Just how dead in the water is it though, given the lack of any consensus about altering our legislation to take account of the reality of abortion?
There is absolutely no possibility of anyone seeking to reverse in its entirety the X case judgement , he insists. What they re now focussing on is whether or not to attempt to reverse that part of the judgement that cites suicide as a grounds for saying that a material risk to the life of the woman exists. So it s now accepted that there are medical conditions which require therapeutic abortion. In other words, where the treatment is the termination of the pregnancy.
This whole issue is central to the pro-life/anti-choice dilemma , O Brien continues, in that they cannot bring themselves to accept that any kind of abortion is acceptable. I think once you ve crossed, as a society, the rubicon of accepting that there are circumstances where the termination of a pregnancy is a treatment , then you have moved some way intellectually. Given where we ve come from, that s a big step.
It s taken the Oireachtas All Party Committee on Abortion some 14 months to reach a point of non-consensus, and this, some eight years after the X Case. How much longer must we wait for real decisions to be made by our public representatives? In fact, many would argue that it s not a question for them at all. Abortion is a personal, moral decision that falls outside the confines of legislation, and should be addressed by individuals, not legislators. It s an approach which has been adopted with considerable results in other jurisdictions such as Canada. O Brien suggests we consider their solution closely.
The Canadians have a very workable solution, he observes. Their Supreme Court struck down the law that they had as being in breach of their constitution and since they couldn t agree on a replacement law, there was no law. In consequence, abortion is treated as a matter which is dealt with by the woman and the doctor who would provide that abortion. Following complete decriminalisation of abortion, the abortion rate remained stable, with 88% of all abortions there taking place before 12 weeks, compared with only 73% here.
We have argued , he continues, that the simplest and easiest answer in the long term is to recognise that ever putting abortion in the constitution was a mistake, and that it should be taken out. Of course the people who put it in shout and scream that we re trying to remove the constitutional protection to the unborn . Well, the simple question is: What constitutional protection to the unborn? Where is it? What does it mean? If the unborn are so protected, how come 1 in 10 Irish conceptions ends in abortion? How come among women under the age of 25, that figure goes up to 1 in 5, and in women under twenty, it goes up to 1 in 4? Regrettably some politicians fall into the trap of using terms like opening the floodgates . What floodgates? Where is the dam? If we were to remove this constitutional protection , we would simply be bringing the constitution in line with reality.
However, the question of constitutional change is one that O Brien believes will continue to be put on the long finger.
I wouldn t be hopeful of anything happening very quickly , O Brien admits cautiously, but provided we can get the preventative and after care programmes rolling, I think there will be members of the Oireachtas willing to tackle the big question. The central abortion question has been a kind of blinding light which, whenever the abortion issue has been raised over the past 10 years, has actually made it harder to get politicians either to talk about or to commit resources, to basic family planning and women s health programmes. It s an absolute paradox.
But now, the Oireachtas committee has recommended that a budget of #50 million over a 10 year period, to provide for contraception and health programmes.
First priority is to create the conditions in which every person under the age of 25 has access to a free, comprehensive family planning service , O Brien proposes. This must include medical consultation, medications or other supplies that people might need in order to exercise their choice in terms of contraception. They should have that right, and to be able to go to a doctor or clinic of their own choice. Ultimately this service should be free to everyone, but as a starter, for people under the age of 25.
It s not the solution to the abortion issue, but it s part of the solution, and it would play a valuable role in enabling young people to have fulfilling and healthy sexual lives, free from the risk of sexually transmitted infection and unplanned pregnancy, and all the risks and consequences that they have. The fact that this is being introduced on the back of a cop-out on the abortion issue might not be the best way to bring it in, but you know, we ll take the up sides.

Abortion and contraceptive education aren t the only questions exercising the IFPA s brains either. The fundamental issue of HIV infection, and the sporadic, not to say, infrequent public health campaigns are another area which require focused government action, he insists.
Some people will remember the very effective HIV/Aids programmes which were put in place in 1993 , he reminds us. There was a very good series of T.V. and radio commercials. Six months later gone. Nothing since. The fact is that there is wave upon wave of people becoming sexually active. Before they re sexually mature, they re either too young or too immature for those messages to have any resonance for them. It s not part of their reality. As they become sexually mature, there s a new generation emerging all the time, and it s important that the messages are out there: good, well-constructed, not overly prescriptive, but giving clear and accurate information in a way that empowers them to make choices for themselves.
Tony O Brien affords that hoary old chestnut called sexual abstention a decent hearing, keen to dispel some of the mythology that can surround sexual activity.
We live in a culture that creates the impression that everybody s doing it , he notes. That there s something wrong with you if you re a certain age and you haven t had sexual intercourse. Whereas in fact most of your peer group probably haven t. So we do have to combat the pressures that can be created by aspects of the T.V. and youth culture magazines, with empowerment programmes that make it cool to say no , or not yet or maybe another time . And also complementing that with negotiating skills so that if people are going to become sexually active, there is the ability to negotiate around the use of contraception, so that risk-taking behaviours don t establish themselves at an early age.
Let s face it though, there are precious few role models out there, willing to preach the gospel according to safe sex. O Brien has noted this but refuses to be disenchanted.
I think we have a culture that has discouraged people like members of boy bands from speaking out , he agrees, but while I know that members of Westlife have spoken out in magazines about their own experiences, I think if we can create a culture where it s appropriate and necessary to talk about responsible sexual behaviour, in a way that is non-censorious, then we may create the conditions under which pop icons will be willing to identify themselves, if they re comfortable.
One significant shift in attitudes is evident in the number of women who now confide in others (including partners, families and friends) when they experience a crisis pregnancy. The loneliness of the long distance trek to the abortion clinic abroad is decreasing, thankfully.
Less than 1 in 5 of the women who came for counselling in 1992/1993 had disclosed that they were pregnant to anybody , O Brien reports. We did a similar survey in 1998 and at that stage, 60% had told family and friends before coming for counselling. We see a lot of couples; we see family groups, particularly where the woman concerned may be particularly young so that she may have one or both parents, and possibly a sibling with her. We know also that women are much more likely to be accompanied by a friend or a partner, when they travel for an abortion. So in the generality of it, a much greater number of our clients have the active support and involvement of partners, family and friends.
There is still taboo in terms of more public identification, but I think the experience for women and couples who experience crisis pregnancy is now much better, in terms of the support that they can receive, and the environment in which they make the decision, than was ever the case before.
Does O Brien fear that another divisive abortion referendum is inevitable, given the pro-life stance of the independent TDs who currently pull certain strings in government?
I don t think ultimately, whatever might be promised, that a simplistic one-liner referendum is necessarily going to be delivered to them , Tony O Brien submits.
The nature of coalition governments that rely on backbenchers, is that things are traded off. Maybe there ll be another new road in Kerry instead, who knows? There s often more heat than light in the abortion debate. The current balance of power doesn t particularly urge politicians to walk the walk though.
I think the least likely situation to have this issue resolved is one where there s a minority government , he suggests. I think we clearly need a government with a working majority, and a reasonably co-operative opposition. We need a little bit of imagination on this issue and despite all the knocks that Irish politicians have had in the last year, they re not without imagination and an ability to lead. They just need to show it.
If abortion is an issue whose importance stretches far beyond the confines of our legislators, how can individuals ensure that their voice is heard, that they can play a part in steering the course of the debate over the coming months?
You have to remember that the people who oppose abortion today, opposed contraception 20 years ago , Tony O Brien emphasises. They opposed divorce, they opposed sex education. Your editor, Niall Stokes, calls them the anti happiness league , and I think there s a lot in that. They have an agenda and they re very committed to it. I think however, that they are a distinct minority. On the other hand, those who support contraception, the right to remarry, sex education in schools and a whole range of social issues, were rooting for the girl in the X Case, and don t believe it s acceptable to export 6,500 abortions to Britain every year.
Basically what I d say to people is pull your finger out. It s no use being complacent. If you want to see change, you have to do something about it. There are organisations like Abortion Reform, The Dublin Abortion Rights Group, a whole variety of organisations that you can get involved in. Unless people with a progressive social conscience begin to show the same level of commitment, activity and willingness to take part, as the relatively small group of people characterised in Hot Press as the anti-happiness league, then we re not going to see the type of changes that we require.
So start phoning up Liveline, start writing letters to the editor, start going to your T.D s clinic. Tell them the way it is, because until they start to believe that there s a real constituency, they re not going to take action. It s in everybody s hands. I think the reality is that whilst a fairly vocal, well-organised minority has been running away with the debate for quite some time, unless we re prepared to oppose that, and do something about it, it doesn t matter a damn.
The question of gender inevitably raises its head. With responsibility for family planning still left largely to women, where s the sense in having a male CEO of one of the country s largest family planning organisations?
In terms of speaking on the issues, I think it may actually be quite positive that one spokesperson is a man , O Brien offers, because it does emphasise the extent to which this is an issue which men should be taking an interest in. If the fact that this particular man is speaking out on these issues from time to time encourages men to take note that this is an issue for them too, then that might be a good thing. The IFPA has many women spokespeople too, of course.
O Brien has also had a taste of the racist thuggery that s seeping into our daily exchanges, and it didn t leave a pleasant taste in his mouth.
When a group of Americans led an attack upon our clinic in Cathal Brugha Street, as a training exercise for Youth Defence , he recalls, some of the YD acolytes who were being told what to do by the American thugs, had the cheek to say to me: Why don t you go back home to England? I have never been anything other than an Irish citizen. I have an absolute right to the Irish passport that I hold. If I could play football, that wouldn t have been said to me. People here go on about the Celtic Tiger. That economy in the lean years was supported by people like my parents who went abroad.
It s ironic, he concludes, in the fifties and sixties we exported grown up people in much the same way as we export the abortion problem today.

The Irish Journey: Women s Stories Of Abortion is published by the Irish Family Planning Association, and retails in bookshops at IR#9.95
IFPA Website: www.ifpa.ie