(1.) Irish religious orders owe €1.5 billion in compensation to the survivors of clerical abuse. What action would you take to ensure – without fail – that they finally, universally, have to pay up?

We believe that all relevant parties have a collective responsibility with regard to the Mother and Baby institutions. There are currently ongoing discussions on the issue of seeking a contribution from religious congregations towards the Mother and Baby Institutions Payment Scheme. These discussions are being led by an independent negotiator.

(2.) Will you commit to maintaining the Basic Income For Artists (BIA) scheme beyond its current trial period and do you feel there’s scope for it to be expanded?

Yes. Fine Gael took the first steps in introducing this scheme. We believe that the Basic Income for the Arts scheme has been a landmark achievement for this Government. In Budget 2025, we secured funding of €35m for the scheme. This will ensure that the scheme is viable beyond the end of the three-year pilot, and will provide flexibility for a successor scheme, in whatever form it may take.

(3.) Will you enact the Oireachtas Committee on Drugs’ recommendation to decriminalise the possession of all illicit drugs for personal use?

Fine Gael supports a comprehensive health-led approach that treats problematic drug use with compassion. The issue of drug decriminalisation is both sensitive and complex, and the recommendations of the Citizens’ Assembly on Drug Use will be an important part of the policymaking process, which will pursue the ultimate goal of promoting a more compassionate and humane approach to people who struggle with drug use.

(4.) Can you give a clear timeframe for closing down Direct Provision?

In the early stages of the outgoing government, we produced a plan to phase out the current Direct Provision system. However, since then, events including the Pandemic and the Russian war on Ukraine, have resulted in a unprecedented rise in the number of people now seeking asylum in Ireland.

Today, more than 32,000 people are accommodated in the IPAS system as a whole. In 2019, we had around 4,000 applicants, to give a sense of the increase.

It means the commitment to replace the existing system of Direct Provision, on a not-for-profit basis, cannot realistically be achieved in the short term. However, it remains our goal.

(5.) What would you do, concretely, to add to the pressure on Israel to end the slaughter in Gaza and Lebanon?

The violence in the Middle East is shocking. We have repeatedly called for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire and for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages. We will not wait for a European Union decision on trade in the occupied Palestinian territories if we believe that the EU is not using every lever at its disposal. Following legal advice, we will examine all possible avenues that we can take to help stop this terrible violence in the Middle East.

(6.) Should vulture funds, institutions or pension schemes (and similar) be prevented from buying up new housing, apartments etc?

Fine Gael does not believe that families should be priced out of the market by institutional investors and have introduced policies that have prevented the bulk purchase of almost 50,000 houses.However, international finance plays a role in funding the construction of the new homes that we need.

It is a feature of housing in other European countries. Without it, construction activity would be reduced. The main way of solving our housing challenge is to increase the supply of all types of homes and this involves using all sources of finance available.

(7.) Do you have a specific policy with regards to repurposing the 100,000-plus derelict buildings in Ireland for housing?

Yes, these plans will be outlined in our manifesto. We are committed to ending dereliction and using our existing stock as efficiently as possible. Fine Gael has already taken significant steps to address vacancy and dereliction by introducing and expanding the Croi Conaithe grants, tax relief to support retrofitting sites, as well as schemes like the Repair and Lease Scheme, the Buy and Renew Scheme, among others.

We’ve also strengthened the powers of city and county councils to CPO vacant or derelict buildings, and we’ve funded a Vacant Homes Officer for all 31 local authorities.

(8.) What will you do, again concretely, to stop social media and tech companies from enabling – and earning vast amounts of money from enabling – the spread of misinformation, by people determined to undermine democratic institutions and manipulate public opinion with lies?

We recognise that social media constitutes a public health issue. We are committed to developing a comprehensive health strategy, with Coimisiún na Meán, to combat the harms related to social media.We are working closely with the European Commission to create a unified and effective digital regulatory framework, given the global nature of these companies.

(9.) What’s your plan for tackling the mental health crisis among young people, many of whom have to wait months, even years to access treatment?

We will recruit more mental health professionals and develop more intervention programmes targeted at specific mental health conditions, and we will strengthen support for the community and voluntary organisations. Our manifesto, soon to be released, will outline these plans in more detail.

(10.) How do you solve the Dublin Airport capacity crisis?

Dublin airport is a strategically significant national infrastructure, and its successful operation should be fully supported. We believe that the passenger cap should be lifted, and are committed to enhancing our aviation industry over the coming years, including the cultivation of sustainable aviation and our regional airports.

BONUS QUESTION:

(11.) Are there any parties currently represented in the Dáil that you’d refuse to go into coalition with?

Yes. The Taoiseach has ruled out going into coalition with Sinn Féin because of irreconcilable policy differences. The most significant points of difference can be found in Sinn Féin’s cavalier approach to law and order, its treatment of the media, its irresponsible economic and fiscal policies, its hostility to enterprise, and its Euroscepticism.

The General Election 2024 special is available to read in full in the new issue of Hot Press – while extracts will be shared on hotpress.com over the coming days.

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